‘Ever since I was born, I have had to experience life as a refugee.’

In the recent clash between Bangalee settlers and indigenous people over land disputes, she has lost all her belongings as Bangalee settlers ser her house and shop on fire in front of the law enforcers.

She is roaming around the hill for past 28 years in search for a safe heaven. But still she failed to find a place that she could call home. Now Nirupa Chakma has decided to fight back she said “If I have to die, I should die here and if I have to survive, I should survive here”

The question of nationhood is still a matter of great debate among the social scientists. A common language, a common culture and heritage and a sense of belonging to a particular region at least in someway help to crystallize the idea of nation among the people living within that territory. The sense of nationhood also incorporates the economic issues and repression and oppressions. This sense of insecurity creates a national hero, either in the mythical form or forms a leader from those repressed. Under his mythical command or direct command, a nation is born.

When we try to comprehend the situation of the people of Chittagong Hill Tracks, we often forget that almost from the remarkably similar historical and political reality, our own liberation movement started against the Pakistani colinial oppression. We forget that our own sense of nationalism was the aftermath of our reaction against the politico-cultural aggression of Pakistan as regards to the question of our rights over language and culture. The fact that 21st February is recognized and celebrated as the International Language gives testimony to the struggle to keep the history and heritage of the culture of the people of a particular geography and particular language. Hence, United Nations celebrates this particular day to urge all to stand beside the people who fight to retain their culture, their own history and language.

Cultrual aggression or Institutional aggresion is not the essence of 21st February. The way we are treating the indigeneous people at the hills, almost in the similar fashion, almost throught the similar resistance, we had the great language and cultural movements.

We must bring about a resolution regarding this boorish aggression on the Hill Tracks based on economic consideration. Basically the conflict between the Bangalee Settlers and the Hill’s indigenous people is that of the economic control and dominance.

On December 2, 1997, the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord was signed between Jana Samhati Samity (JSS) and the Government of Bangladesh after years of peace talks and ended two decades of civil war. The Peace Accord recognizes CHT as a “tribal inhabited” region, its traditional governance system and the role of its chiefs, and it provides building blocks for indigenous autonomy.

On that peace accord, in Rehabilitation, general amnesty and other issues it was stated :

• An agreement was signed between the government and the tribal refugee leaders on March 9, 1997 at Agartala of Tripura State on bringing back the tribal refugees staying in the state of Tripura. Under this agreement, repatriation of tribal refugees began on March 28, 1997. This process will continue and the leaders of the PCJSS will extend all possible co-operation in this regard. The internal refugees of the three hill districts will be rehabilitated through their proper identification by a task force.

• The land record and right of possession of the tribal people will be ascertained after finalisation of the ownership of land of the tribal people. And to achieve this end, the government will start land survey in Chittagong Hill Tracts and resolve all disputes relating to land through proper scrutiny and verification in consultation with the regional councils to be formed under this agreement. These steps will be taken soon after signing and implementation of this agreement between the government and the PCJSS and rehabilitation of the tribal refugees and internal tribal refugees.

• The government will ensure leasing two acres of land in the respective locality subject to availability of land of the landless tribals or the tribals having less than two acres of land per family. However, grove-land can be allotted in case of non-availability of necessary lands.

Now nearly 13 years have passed since this peace accord was signed but yet government did not form any land commission to resolve land disputes between settlers and indigenous people. Any political movement in this area or any armed struggle in this locality is the struggle for economic independence and the fight is over the control of resources of the hills. Any long lasting peace plan should include these agendas in it.

Kaptai hydroelectric project once uprooted them (the indigenous people from their lands at the area where Kaptai hydroelectric was built) and they had to settle themselves in different portions in CHT, their traditional harmonious way of living was disrupted by the plain-landers.

Government and other agencies have set up development projects in this particular area to improve their quality of life. These development projects should have incorporate the affected people and also respect their cultural integrity and their traditions. Recent findings in rural development states any long lasting development is sustainable only if modern technological advancement is blended smoothly in the traditional life style of those people to whom it is actually meant for.

Listen to those voices, they are also son of our soil, they may live outside this alluvial plain but the fact is we all share the same nationality, we are the citizens of Bangladesh and our constitution gave them equal right of prosperity.

They have their own culture and heritage and presence of settlers adversely affected their life style, their traditional economic processes are interrupted by our settlers. Their traditional agriculture-based-society and norms are disrupted by us. Property right is one of the main sources of dissatisfaction in CHT and this discord can not be smothered by the presence of militaries in hill. For the sake of good governance we have to introduce new set of economic policies that suit them best.

It is true that over the past 39 years government had set up quotas for these indigenous people but even though State failed to recognize them as member of a particular society, in accordance with the spirit of 21st February we have to accept them and their heritage. We can set up regional educational system where they can teach their children in their mother tongue, the right for which we fought and gave lives in 1952’s 21st February.

We must recognize their culture, heritage, tradition if long-term peace in the Chittagong Hill Tracks is our objective. We must be ready to accept without any interference in their way of life and in their lives. If the spirit of 21st February means anything, we have to embrace the cultural divergence that exists between them and us.

A senior BNP leader has remarked, Tareque is a diamond, and its brightness could not be shadowed. EmazUddin Ahmed praised Tareque Rahman, and wrote and published a book on Tareque, and Khaleda Zia, chairperson of BNP and also Tareque’s mother. BNP lacks a healthy balanced political culture but this is way off the road, 7th March is a significant day in the history of Bangladesh, and the idea that any political party out of political hatred and rivalry could observe this monumentally important day in the history of Bangladesh as the Jail Day is unbelievably outlandish. Any political party which does not respect the history of struggle for freedom of Bangladesh has no right to claim itself as peoples’ representative. These tendencies are abominable and nauseating.

While in the jail custody, once Tarek Rahman slipped on the wet bathroom floor. After hearing this news, Chatrodol, student wing of BNP and other partisans ran havoc on the streets of Shahbagh and from this outrage and chaos, a life was claimed. Those who lead this heinous disorder, amongst them, were the student leaders of DU, who have enough political capability and credentials to lead BNP in future if our traditional family oriented political hierarchy can be somehow bypassed. Such is the picture of the future leadership!

Our respected intellectuals have sold their souls. They are not intellectual any more, rather they convey the political dogmas of the two main political parties and act as active partisans, raise their voices and polish their visions according to the political propagandas of those political parties they are affiliated with morally or ideologically. This deference has gave them earthly possessions but in that same process they have lost their public acceptance. The intellectuals who are backing the new coinage of 7th March as the ‘Jail Day’ are actually the examples of the celebration of pathetic personality whose vow is to get promotions and plots of land.

Tareque Rahman lacks political visions and he is immoral and unethical. I personally don’t think he is capable of leading Bangladesh; his only plus point is he is the son of Ziaur Rahman, former president of Bangladesh, and Khaleda Zia, former primer of Bangladesh. But he has inherited all the bad qualities of his parents and lacks the good ones. He is not brave, almost always he failed to lead by example but like all cowards, he is shrewd. The way a gutless and dastardly person is corrupt and hypocritical, Tareque is also a person of the similar kind of besmirched political ambitions. His political aims contain horrifying vilification and malevolence and after polluting the politics and political culture colossally, at his own hands, BNP will dwindle away.

Sad but true, this cabinet meeting was headed by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Her press secretary Abul Kalam Azad told reporters, “According to the cabinet decision, no structures or institution will bear the name of the illegal autocratic ruler Ziaur Rahman following the High Court verdict regarding cancellation of the Fifth Amendment.”

Cabinet stated the justification for this renaming process by simply pulling the strings of religious sentiments. They said since the people of the country respect Sufies and religious figures and wish to keep their memories alive, and many important establishments had been named after them, the renaming is in conformity with the tradition of the naming process of the important establishments as well as in keeping with the sentiments of the public mind.

So, Awami league once again pulled the string of religious sentiment that runs against fundamental principles of the party.  According to the constitution of Awami League “The fundamental principles of the Bangladesh Awami Leagues  shall be Bengali Nationalism, Democracy, Secularism”

Fifth Amendment:

On 6^th April 1979 Fifth Amendment was passed in the national assembly. This Act amended the Fourth Schedule of the constitution by adding a new paragraph 18 thereto, which provided that all amendments, additions, modifications, substitutions and omissions made in the constitution during the period between 15 August 1975 and 9 April 1979 (both days inclusive) by any Proclamation or Proclamation Order of the Martial Law Authorities had been validly made and would not be called in question in or before any court or tribunal or authority on any ground whatsoever.

The changes in between 15^th August 1975 to 9^th April 1979 changed the secular characteristics of Bangladesh constitution. Among the changes, in the preamble of our constitution, the addition of Bismillahir Rahmanur Rahim was one. A historic war for national independence was replaced by the words” a historic war for national independence.”

In the same proclamation order, idea of secularism was axed from the constitution and according to the article 8 of our constitution:

[(1) The principles of absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah, nationalism, democracy and socialism meaning economic and social justice, together with the principles derived from them as set out in this Part, shall constitute the fundamental principles of state policy.

(1A). Absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah shall be the basis of all actions.]

had become our national norm.

Before passing this order, all the citizens of Bangladesh were known as Bengali but now according to article 6 of our constitution (2) [The citizens of Bangladesh shall be known as Bangladeshis.]

Article 12 of the constitution was omitted altogether and that omitted article was to implement the principle of the secularism,

a)      Every form of communalism

b)      Granting any religion political status by the State

c)      Abuse of religion with political ill-intent

d)     Any oppression over a person of a particular religion will be uprooted

Article 38 of Fundamental rights of people was modified and   “… but on the condition that no person will have the right to participate in any activities of or  to become member of  any communal institution or association or any institution or association that has set up the process of forming political parties based on religious identity or of such association or institution that holds any symbolic or literal resemblance to any religion in its name or title.”

was deleted from the constitution by the second proclamation order III of 1976.

What about the reaction of Government on Fifth Amendment?

The implication of returning to the constitution of 1972 will retain in the constitution the abolished Article 12 and the original form of the amended Article 38. The implication will also extend to the undertaking of effective measures as to the political abuse of religion and to the reconsideration of the existing scenario where the state supports a particular religion and promotes the said religion in its foundations.

But Prime minister Sheikh Hasina said:

“The words “Bismillah-Ar-Rahman-Ar-Rahim” in the preamble to the constitution and declaration of Islam as state religion will remain as they are, since they reflect the beliefs of the people”  Government is trying to establish the spirit of the constitution of 1972 and as well as keeping intact the amendment that are directly opposing the secular spirit of that same constitution.

So, this is the truth. We, the people of Bangladesh, respect the religious leader; therefore, why not, as a token of this respect, change the name of our country? Say for example, instead of calling it Bangladesh, why don’t we call it as Dewanbagidesh, or any thing like this?

Awami League never moved away from its roots:

On 23 June 1949, Bengali nationalists from East Bengal broke away from the Muslim League, Pakistan’s dominant political party, and established the All Pakistan Awami Muslim League.

Awami League, as a political party, claims it upholds secularism, and most of the Awami inclined intellectuals simply wants Awami league to follow this secular path. All the intellectuals of Bangladesh wish and want Awami league to become a party that leads the fraction of Bangladesh population which supports secularist view; but, in essence, this particular party never moved further away from its roots and always in practice has nurtured the Muslim sentiments as its party policy.

In fact, Awami League has never really overcome their religious roots. In practice, it uses the religious sentiments of people to stay in power. And, this is precisely the point where it looses its idiosyncrasy from Jamaat e Islami and other non-secular parties.

Actually the spirit of 1972’s constitution was to establish a secular state which would have no state-religion, which aimed for the state not to patronize any religion and should not use religious sentiment of people politically. But Awami League is failing to follow that course of secularism and using the religious sentiment of people to justify its misdeeds. Instead of being called Awami League, we should at least recognize their effort of Islamizing this country by renaming it as “Allama Awami League” and also to respect the believes of  our countrymen start a political movement of having a Islamic name of our country.

Photo : The National Parliament of Bangladesh, by Amdadul Huq,DrikNEWS.

On 24th July 2009, Awami League held the party’s National Council to elect new leadership and ratify provisional changes brought to its constitution to meet the criteria for registration with the Election Commission (EC).

Sheikh Hasina was elected the Awami League (AL) President for the sixth time while Syed Ashraful Islam was elected the General Secretary for three years without any contest.

According to Article 21 of the AL constitution, however, the president, presidium members, general secretary, departmental secretaries, and the treasurer must be elected by the triennial council.

Party National Council, however, did not follow party charter properly in electing leadership. They only elected party president and secretary general and empowered newly elected AL chief Sheikh Hasina to choose leaders for 45 posts that include 13 members of the party Presidium, 31 departmental secretaries, and seven organizing secretaries, and a treasurer.

Immediately after Khaleda Zia’s release from the prison, clash between the reformist and the loyalist sections of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) hurt BNP as a political party and it cost Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan’s political career. But in the post-1/11 scenario, as a political party BNP had lost a lot, they failed to hold Upazilla and Zilla council.  Clashes over leadership in councils were the most common news feature about BNP Zilla Council.

Though BNP, after 16 years, also held its National Council, the most significant and yes, deplorable outcome of the Council was the creation of an all-powerful senior vice chairman post in the party and election of Tarique Rahman for that post.

Khaleda Zia was elected as chairperson of BNP without contest.

As regards to holding election for other posts in the party, the BNP National Council followed its arch-rival AL National Council’s all-in-one power-position. It empowered re-elected BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia to nominate leaders for party’s national standing and executive committees, ignoring the party charter that clearly stipulates election for the posts.

The extended party meeting of ruling Awami League after 20 months breaks raised hope.

Syed Ashraful Islam, elected general secretary, had said “District and Upazila-level councils will be held after a countrywide drive for new member.” According to him, AL would bring in fresh leadership in every grass-root level committee. But the process could take up to three years to complete.

Prime Minister of Bangladesh, and also the president of Bangladesh Awami League was present there. In her presence Advocate Ajmat Ullah, general secretary of Gazipur zilla Awami league, in his speech, said that it should be decided whether the elected members will have the power to control the party or the party will control its elected members.

He had pointed out the fact that each and every one of the MPs has been elected not by their own popularity and public image but rather they were elected only because all the party members had worked for them in 2008 national election.

Advocate Akram Hossain, president of Pirojpur Awami League, said elected MPs should work in accord with the grass-root level activists. He accused the MPs of being aloof and this aloofness is making them drift further away form the mass.

Aolad Hossain Badol, general secretary of Awami League, Nilphamary, addressed Party President Sheikh Hasina and said the gap between the party and the government had widened as the elected MPs think they are the only fundamental parts of the party.

In the presence of the MPs and of course in the presence of Party president and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, exhibition of such gallant accusations and finger-pointing is quite unthinkable, but that shows the hard fact that at least Awami League has learned something important. To hear and be heard is the only way of good governance.

Grass-root party activists and party leaders have said they did not even feel that their party is in power, and the only fraction that is feeling that power and abysmally misusing the power is BCL.

But the saga of abusing power continues:

The Representation of the People Order (RPO) clearly prohibits a registered political party from forming any affiliated or associated organization of professionals, students, teachers, employees, or laborers.

Complying with RPO, AL in its amended constitution ratified by its National Council severed its ties with Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) and Jatiya Sramik League, two previously associated organizations of the party for students and laborers respectively. These organizations, many a time, were the driving forces of the party.

It is reported that Awami League has severed its ties with Bangladesh Chatra League[ BCL], and Sheikh Hasina on 4th April 2009 quit the post of organizational chief because of the ongoing power abuse of BCL. This manifests a legal reality that organizationally BCL is not a part of the ruling party anymore but the party and political reality is most of the student leaders are loyal to the MPs anyways and these MPs are the ones protecting these unruly thugs and miscreants. Needless to say, these MPs are also the governing force of the party against whom the resentment is strong at grass-root level too.

Editorial of The Daily Star on 2nd February wrote a congenial academic atmosphere is now absent even in many reputable institutions due, largely, to the activities of the ruling party’s student wing fanning out in different money-making directions which often involve high-scale abuse of power and physical force. In addition to indulging in Tender business, the BCL cadres are reportedly thriving on booming admission business in the colleges.

Bangladesh Chhatra League men halted interview of the first year (Hons.) admission at Sathkhira City College for about half an hour demanding a “political quota” and kept hindering the holding of interview at Dhaka College.

Because of their internal feud, at least 25 people were injured as the two Chhatra League fractions fought over control of Sir AF Rahman Residential Hall at Dhaka University.

Among the injured, Abu Bakar Siddique, a third year Islamic History student, died in the hospital.

As news of the death reached the DU campus, students of the Islamic History department brought out a procession protesting the death.

On the eve of the opening ceremony of Omar Ekushe Gronthomela, student activists of BCL beat the female student activists of BNP but the ever partisan policemen took the victim in custody instead of the aggressive miscreants.

It needed to end at some point.

Police, MPs and all other local and national leaders should not turn a blind eye to this continuous and horrific power abuse of BCL student activists. The laymen are dismayed and deeply enraged in this regard. And, we know from our experience, irrespective of the political part that governs the executive, the government always turns deaf when it comes to public voice and outrage.

This time, they rather should not.

-

Rasel Pervez, prominent blogger in Bangla blogsphere who is famous for his political analysis. Mr, Rasel Pervez completed his MS on Physics from the US and awaiting PHD.

There was wide speculation on June 1 that the Tanjim would resign. Some dailies published news stating that he had, in fact, resigned due to conflicts with his senior, Sahara Khatun, the home minister.

He left for the USA on June 9 to spend some time with his family. On July 19, News World, a Washington-based news agency, said, quoting Taj, that he had submitted his resignation before leaving Bangladesh.

But as he did not mentioned any particular reason behind this resignation, speculation ran wild, ranging from the internal feud between the factions of Awami League leaders over power sharing up to a death threat over phone by Mafia Don Daud Ibrahim, whose close associate Abdul Rauf was arrested in may.

According to AKM Shahidul Haque, Abdul Rauf came to Bangladesh to set up a network of Daud Ibrahim.[2]

Tanjim denied disclosing the reason specifically, “Ethics, philosophy and self-esteem are important to any human being.”

Now all those orphaned partisans, especially that of Kapasia Chatro League, the locals would go to the airport, although there was no arrangement as such.

But so far the people are concerned they are less bothered about who is returning after a 7 month self exile or 7 month long vacation. People is less bothered about who is assuming power or if he is in the country or away for his or her personal business. They took it for granted, once you elect some one to public office they will forget about their presence until the next election bell rings. So mostly it is those partisans, who want to show their loyalty towards the elected personal, is busy in finding a way to show their loyalty. They believe it will help them financially; they will get a lion share of that development budget that is allocated to the member of parliament of that particular constituency.

But Tanjim Ahmed, who led us with an example, was the first ever man in the parliament , resigned as a state minister because he thought ethics, self esteem is important for any person. But remaining abroad for 7 month is a negligence of his duty as a public officer.

I am hoping, again he will lead us by example by giving back all his salary as a MP to Treasury of Bangladesh as fine for neglecting his duty. It will set up an example for those elected members of parliament who have boycotted parliament meeting for nothing but taking all the benefits that is given to them as elected MPs. They should either give up their post or be responsible because people have elected them as their representative.

Dhaka city is already clogged by traffic jam and when Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangladesh after she had received Indira Gandhi prize, this whole city literally stand still for hours. [3]

Any public reception of elected members of parliament or that of Prime minister has a heavy toll on the traffic system, so any public reception of elected members of parliaments should be banned in this city. No matter if he is a MP of governing party or he is a leader of opposition.

Home minister Sahara Khatun, airport fell in her constituency, could start this practice from home, she should ban all the public gathering or procession or any public receptions by those greedy partisan.

We are expecting another fearful day, when Tariq Zia will return home from forced exile. All of the BNP leaders and partisans will flood the city roads with procession and banners, but again I will say, this public anarchy should be stopped by any means. So we could start with Tanjim’s heroic welcome party.

DMP has the right to issue permission for public gathering, procession and meeting. They should refrain themselves from issuing any permission for this kind of public mockery and ban all the peaceful assembly near airport.

If we could ban that procession or reception by enacting that particular section forcefully have a cause ready in hand to be utilized in future.

-
Rasel Pervez, prominent blogger in Bangla blogsphere who is famous for his political analysis. Mr, Rasel Pervez completed his MS on Physics from the US and awaiting PHD.

File photo from BanglarChokh

It was 5.23 pm on 21st august 2004 when Awami League chief Sheikh Hasina was wrapping up a rally protesting Sylhet blasts. A wave of grenade attacks on her left at least 16 people killed and left around 200 persons critically injured including top Awami League leaders Abdur Razzak, Amir Hossain Amu, Suranjit Sengupta, Ivy Rahman and Kazi Zafarullah.

The party secretary on Women affairs Ivy Rahman died in the Hospital later in the day. The unknown assailants fired seven bullets at the bulletproof SUV that Hasina boarded immediately after the blast.

The unusually poor deployment of police at the rally and the absence of forces on nearby building rooftops are a remarkable deviation from the usual practice.

Motaher Hossain, general secretary of AL Krishak League said some people on the roof of Ramna hotel and adjacent building were throwing bombs. At least 13 grenades exploded one after another, and also who were present on the spot told a white Microbus carried of some injured person who were among the assailant and were wounded by their own bomb.

Blame game started at the very moment Hasina spoke out loud about government’s conspiracy to kill the remaining member of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujiber Rahman’s remaining family members, BNP leaders hold back and Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan commented that they have blamed the government out of emotion. But soon BNP leaders changed their tone and started to blame AL for attacking their own rally, they argued AL had done it to destabilize the country and discredit the government only to grab the power.

Fiction and conspiracy theories were put forward by various columnists in the media. Pro Awami columnists blamed the fundamentalist forces and the right wing coalition government for this attack while pro BNP columnists blamed AL and pointed finger towards the country’s biggest neighbor India.

However most columnists inclined towards Awami league and left parties and leaders and activists of these parties discovered a pattern in the bomb blasts. In most cases secular forces and those who believe in culture, tradition and democratic values had been the target. The same group was behind the attack on Hasina’s rally.

Those pro BNP columnists pick up the same incident and argued Hasina was not the target of those assailants, if she were their target then why none of those grenades fall on the truck and also wrote thousand pages about AL’s possible motive behind this?

Some suspected it as a plot by international Muslim extremist groups; some pointed towards the association of ISI (Inter Services Intelligence); while Jamaat leader Matiur Rahman Nizami believes it is the work of “well known enemies of Islam” who masterminded, through various covert organizations, to carry out such brutal murders.

It became increasingly hard to dig out the truth from these fictions. With conspiracy theories you can use any piece of evidence to either prove or disprove your opinion and you can pick up any particular incident to strengthen your position. Truth has many faces but with conspiracy theory all you can achieve is a thousand shade of the truth and all these are equally probable and could be equally false.

In this present regime we have finally a charge sheet that clearly indicates Awami Leagues position is correct in this issue, RAB and other government intelligence agency finally concluded that Islamic militants are behind this attack and also a small fraction of BNP activists patronized this attack.

But is it the whole truth or only a facade? Lets look at the proceedings of the investigations.

To investigate 21st August 2004 bomb blast then BNP government first employed metropolitan police’s detective branch to investigate this incident, then this case was handed over to the criminal investigation department of Bangladesh Police. Five investigating officer under 3 officers in charge investigated this incident for over 4 years and they had submitted two charge sheet contradicting each other.

What is the progress in this case? When ever you ask this question to a law enforcement officer, a certain reply will be that “we are still investigating this matter. We had some lead but for the sake of this on going investigation we can not tell you anything.” Even after submitting charge sheet against 22 person in June 11, 2008 and acquitting all other person found guilty (on the first charge sheet presented by the CID), still the investigation has not been closed. So far we have 2 persons who claimed that they had actively participated in this failed assassination. On 26th June, 2005 Joj Miah from Noakhali confessed to police that for 5000 taka he carried out this attack under the order of Subrata Bain, a top terrorist. Subrata Bain and his group had close ties with some notorious AL leaders and they fled to India after alliance government took over the state in October 2001. He confessed to a magistrate that he had never seen any grenade before but Subrata Bain, Joy, Molla Masud ordered him to participate in this assassination. ASP of Police [CID] Abdur Rashid was the investigation officer then.

But the government were not satisfied with this finding so led by Munsi Atikur Rahman the investigation continued. The investigation found a paved path established by the coalition government.

So far we have two investigation reports, one of them was by Justice Jaynul Abedin, chairman of the one man investigation committee formed by the government to investigate 21st august grenade attack on Awami leagues rally. Awami League has rejected this report claiming it lacks neutrality. And another one was submitted by the Supreme Court Bar Association. According to Moudud Ahmed, who was Law minister at that time, claimed that this inquiry committee is illegal.

Jaynul Abedin’s investigation report:

Justice Jaynul Abedin had submitted his 162 pages manuscript of coalition governments collective story on 2nd October 2004. He was the member and chairman of one man inquiry committee formed by the government to investigate the grenade attack on Awami League rally on 21st august. On the eve of this submission those authorities in concern had invited journalist to give some insight of the report.

After scrutiny, critical and painstaking analysis, Jaynul Abedin did omit the possibility that coalition government and his ally, some extremist religious group and a part of Awami League was behind this heinous attack on Awami League activists.

But he did claim with certainty that a foreign intelligence agency actively participated in this event. They trained those assailants and equipped them with necessary ammunitions. He described this event on that informal press conference, “this incident is a naked attack on the independence and sovereignty of the country.”

Because Jaynul Abedin was a BNP activist in the past, Awami League questioned the neutrality of the investigation committee. Even though 123 people given their statement to this committee but that does not include Sheikh Hasina, who was the prime target of this massacre. Sheikh Hasina rejected the call for her statement.

In that one and half hour informal briefing on the report prior to its submission Jaynul concluded “the commission may not have received cooperation from all, which may have somewhat hindered the investigation, but the inquiry is in no way incomplete.”

Like any other investigation report submitted by any government formed investigation committee it also embraced the fate to remain unpublished till-to-date.

The Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA) inquiry committee report:

On 22nd august, 2004, immediately after the grenade attack, The Supreme Court Bar Association formed an inquiry committee. Barrister Kamal Hossain was elected as the chairman of that committee and the other members of this committee were Rokonuddin Mahmud, Abdul Malek, Amir-ul-Islam, M Zahir and Muhammad Ayenuddin.

While Hasina wrapped up the rally, at that very moment a grenade went off loud and it was followed by at least 10 such explosions. Awami League leaders formed a human shield to cover Hasina from the splinter, they were injured in this process and soon after they escorted Hasina to her bullet proof SUV and Hasina left for Sudha Sadan, while on the move that SUV was attacked by bullets. Witnesses on their statement confirmed the SCBA inquiry committee that they had not seen any member of the law enforcing agency in action there.

After inspecting the place of occurrence on 27th august 2004 they went to Sudha Sadan, where Hasina assured the committee her full cooperation to find out the truth. Hasina’s security personal and her driver gave their statement to this committee and this committee also inspected the SUV.

Driver on his statement told the committee that he drove towards the east, then took a left turn and then he drove towards Sudha Sadan through zero point. But police officers deployed at the rally on 21st August on their statement said to inquiry committee, SUV carrying Sheikh Hasina away from that place drove westward, took a right turn, and then went to Sudha Sadan through zero point.

On 16th, 17th, 18th September the committee watched the video tape recorded by ATN, Channel I and NTV. On ATN video tape they saw a young man purposefully looking towards the multi storied Dhaka City Bhaban. Apart from this, on Channel I and NTV footage some suspicious incidents were seen by the committee members.

The inquiry committee sent two letters to Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, requesting her to extend cooperation for the inquiry and to direct the law enforcing agency to cooperate with them in interest of its work.

A letter was sent from the inquiry committee to IGP Shahudul Huq on 29 August 2004 requesting him to direct the police authorities to inform the inquiry committee of the number of persons who were deployed for maintaining the law and order in the public meeting on 21st August 2004 with the descriptions of their duties and locations.

After 3 weeks another letter was sent to him, requesting for his interview. The inquiry committee requested state minister of home affairs, but all of them turned down their request further more the law minister Moudud Ahmed on several occasion said that this inquiry committee had no legal basis and any report of any such illegal committee should not be recognized.

But the government did inform the SCBA inquiry committee that they had done every thing that is possible for them and sent a copy of the statement made by the State Minister for Home Affairs in the Parliament. In that speech the State Minister mentioned that the police made all out efforts to identify the culprits immediately after the incident and within 24 hours a Judicial Inquiry Commission was constituted with a judge of the Supreme Court as the sole Member. He also mentioned that the Government also arranged for an “international” inquiry into the 21st August incident side by side with Bangladesh police investigation and in response to the Government invitation 3 (three) teams from Interpol visited Bangladesh and helped the inquiry. Besides this, the government had also taken cooperation of FBI of USA.

The SCBA inquiry committee made repeated requests at the highest levels of the government for obtaining copies of reports of earlier bomb-blasts, the report of the ‘judicial inquiry’ into the 21 August, 2004 constituted by the Government, and other documents and information, but such requests have till-to-date were turned down.

The Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA) inquiry committee concluded it was a pre-planned attack, carried out on the basis of a carefully prepared plan, targeting Sheikh Hasina and other leaders and persons attending the rally. The firing of the bullets and grenades on the vehicle by which she was leaving the place of occurrence, confirms that she was the target.

The committee urged government to publish all reports of investigation within one month or else public may lead to believe attempt on Sheikh Hasina’s life was to some extent was patronized by this government.

The alleged HUJI rage against Awami League:

Some columnists claimed in the media that the AL government, after assuming power in 1996 barred Islamic scholars from issuing fatwa’s through a High Court order. The government also came on strong against the right wing protesters and arrested hundreds across the country. This had angered HUJI.

Mufti Abdul Hannan, the operative commander of the banned Harkatul Jihad-al-Islami revealed on 19th November 2006.

“I masterminded all grenade attacks across the country excepting the August 21, 2004 gruesome attack on the AL rally, and three people financed the outfit for carrying out the attacks”

Hannan gave another detailed statement on 1st November 2007:

“Kajol was given the responsibility to collect funds and grenades for the attack. They decided that 12 persons would carry out the attack and Kajol and Abu Jandal would select the commanders of the operation. It was decided that Kajol and Jandal brief the attackers about their positions and Jandal would throw the first grenade after getting instruction from Sayeed. The others would throw their grenades at around the same time. Hannan said the attackers targeted the truck and left the spot individually after the operation.”

However question remains as why HUJI chose to attack Hasina after all those years and during the period when there was a row of political killings of Awami League leaders (Kibria, Ahsan Master etc.) were happening. HUJI members were used but who masterminded the attack?

The BNP connection:

In January 2008, former deputy minister for information of the BNP government Abdus Salam Pintu was arrested for his involvement with the grenade attacks on Awami League rally on August 21 in 2004. He was arrested on the basis of confessional statement made earlier by detained Mufti Hannan who claimed that the attack on the AL rally was planned at the official residence of the former Deputy Minister. Hannan said that Pintu was present at the meeting and later supplied the grenades.

He made startling disclosure to interrogators about the involvement of former State Minister of Home Lutfuzzaman Babar and ‘Hawa Bhaban’ in the grenade attacks. From The New Nation:

“The CID officer said they were certain after the arrest of Mufti Hannan and Pintu that the attack on the AL rally had been aided and abetted by Lutfuzzaman Babar and the Hawa Bhaban.

“To hide the truth, former investigation officer Ruhul Amin, a CID officer, had gone to Pintu’s house several times,” he said, and added, “former State Minister of Home Babar was involved in the entire process and Pintu would regularly inquire with him about the progress.”

Pintu’s counsel Advocate Sanaullah Mia, however, told : “He was implicated only because his cousin Maulana Tajul Islam, a militant leader and an accused in the grenade attack case, had visited his house when Pintu was a Minister,”

HUJI is the culprit but who used them and why?

On June 11, 2008 charges were finally made against 22 persons including top Harkat-ul-Jihad (Huji) leader Mufti Abdul Hannan and BNP leader and former deputy minister Abdus Salam Pintu. Newspaper reports say:

“CID Chief Additional Inspector General Jabed Patwari said HUJI top leaders planned and carried out the attacks to kill Hasina as a few arrested attackers said in their confessional statements that Hasina would harm Islam if she was alive and came to power again.

BNP leader Pintu is not involved with Huji but he has been charged since the attackers had held two meetings at his residence to take decision about the attack.”

But the question remains whether HUJI tried to kill Hasina on their own or it was a political assassination plot linked by BNP to take out the opposition. Like every other political massacre the 21st August grenade attack on Hasina has no clear motive whatsoever and after 4 years of investigation we are not certain whether those who were behind this ghastly attack have finally been exposed. Will we be able to know the truth?

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Rasel Pervez, prominent blogger in Bangla blog sphere who is famous for his political analysis. Mr, Rasel Pervez completed his MS on Physics from the US and awaiting PHD.

But according to the human rights watch organization Odhikar’s report, it was not a mere incident of shoot out but a cold blooded murder. Tapan’s brother Akash, who was also killed in a similar fashion later, told Odhikar that “RAB personnel raided Tapan’s house at dawn and shot him dead at close range,They shot Rikta in the head and feet who was also in the house, leaving her dead at the scene.

Rikta’s mother said her daughter was involved in the business of ready made garments and sarees, and there was no case filed against her at any police station. But why did the RAB kill Rikta? May be to ensure that no traces were left behind of their brutality, insensitiveness and their audacity,

According to Ansar Ali, a village policeman, Rikta’s dead body also bore evidence of struggles with her persecutors. It seems that the poor girl did not gave up easily, she fought for her life and alas, she had no God, no Goddess or any sensible law abiding personal in this elite force who never for a moment had thought, what they were doing was illegal, who would feel for that poor girl, would do something to help her. What the trained state authorized killers did was to kill her in a cold blooded fashion.

They are too much proud with their elite tag and they just don’t give a damn about those people who are paying those trigger-happy killers to keep them safe and to protect them. Even though they did not confirm whether Rikta was the wife of Tapan Malitha but they believe her to be a close associate of that notorious criminal and thats why may be it was alright to kill her.

After Odhikar’s report was published, the Police Chief of Kushtia Sadar, Badrul Uddin Sarkar said, “Well at times it happens like that……… ten innocent people might get killed while we try to nab one notorious terrorist” And Captain Mahmud of RAB 12 was quoted by bdnews24.com. “RAB had to get to Tapan at any cost, we had no way out but to kill 10 innocent men in the process”.

Torturing and killing people by law enforcing agency are not an unfamiliar phenomenon in South Asia. Bangladeshis experienced such brutality and killing during its struggle for self determination and liberation in the late 60’s till its freedom in 1971, by the then Pakistani government.

Bangladesh has had a police force ever since its liberation in 1971, it has also had its share of “Special Forces” – elite law enforcers usually employed to thwart the activities of not only criminals but also ultra-left parties and other voices not tolerated by the regime.

First of the elite force was Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini [JRB] which came into force at February 1st 1972.Awami League Government allegedly used it against political opponents. JRB became infamous for extra-judicial execution of about 30,000 leftist opponents, even though there is no official record to prove such claim, till its absorption into the army by a gazette notification dated October 4th 1975.

In March 2004 the ‘elite force’ of the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), was created, with the assignment to investigate any offense on the direction of the government and has exclusive jurisdiction in this regard. It can investigate and work for all security purposes. As an elite law and order enforcement agency it has a special focus on curbing organized crime and eliminating ‘top criminals’.

It now seems that the best way to get rid of the top criminals is to kill them in cross-fire. The official press note is always the same, just the names change, The events take place when RAB and police would take a criminal in search of weapons or hide outs and suddenly his companions start shooting at them, intervening their acts of duty, and eventually that unfortunate man dies because he was in the line of fire. This demonstrates the utter powerlessness of the citizen of Bangladesh in the face of extrajudicial killings that is being taken place in Bangladesh.

There are also an alarming number of deaths in RAB custody and few of these can be interpreted as explicitly political. The police have also been killing people in the name of ‘crossfire’ for last several months. According to Odhikar’s documentation, 738 people were reported killed in ‘crossfire’ between June 24, 2004 and December 31, 2006.

76 persons died in jail custody and 6 persons died in police custody in the year 2005 and 62 persons died in jail custody and 12 persons died in police custody in the year 2006

Bangladesh police can perform well if it is founded on valid organizational principle, but unfortunately the out dated Police Act which was enacted in 1861 has given the opportunity to those people in power to abuse and misuse the Police on their own will and interests. Because the government has the authority to exercise superintendence over Police, Bangladesh Police has no institutional and other arrangements to insulate themselves from the undesirable and illegitimate control, pressure and influences.

But the people in power ruthlessly violated the organizational principle of police that resulted in a corrupt and highly politicized police force. Most of the time police was used as a weapon to control and eliminate political opponent.

Let us not bother about the execution performed by RAB and Police in the year 2005 and 2006, because for most of that time they were under an elected government and they, like all other governments in Bangladesh, tried to abuse and misuse the Police and other law enforcing agencies to get rid of their oppositions.

After January 11 2007, we have a military backed care taker Government, who claims that they are working hard to build a society based on social Justice, and according to the report of Odhikar, extra judicial killings continued throughout the 16 months of emergency rule. Between 12 January 2007 and 11 May 2008, 207 people have reportedly been killed by Bangladeshi law enforcement agencies. Among them 103 people were killed by RAB, 74 people were killed by Police, 04 People were killed in RAB- Police joint operation, Joint forces killed 07 person, Army killed 07 person, Navy killed 03 person, Jail Police, Coast Guard, Forest Guard, Bangladesh Rifles, and department of Narcotics control killed 09 person.

In these reported killing, 149 were the victims of ‘cross-fire/encounter/gunfight/shootout’, 34 were tortured to death, 13 were shot to death in circumstances other than ‘cross-fire/ encounter/ gunfight/shootout’ and 11 were killed in other circumstances.

But in fact they are acting like a totalitarian Government, who wants the complete control over its citizen rights and thoughts. So they pressurized electronic and print media to refrain from reporting news or comments critical of the Government. State intelligence and other factions regularly reminded those journalists over telephone to portray positive image of the Government, if they fail to comply with their demands they might face negative consequences.

The Government declared that it had the power to ban or attach conditions on broadcasting so called “provocative news”, documentaries, talk-shows and discussions critical of the government under powers given to it by Article 5 of the Emergency Powers Rules 2007.

From the outset of the August 2007 curfew, the military-backed government declared that journalists would be exempt from its restrictions. Nevertheless, there were widespread, deliberate and organized beatings of journalists by the law enforcement agencies.

Even if Government publicly condemns physical assaults on journalists by its law enforcement agencies, by its attempt to censor media, individual members of the law enforcement agencies is encouraged to breach journalists’ rights.

In 2007 at least 35 journalists were reportedly injured, 13 journalists were arrested, 35 were assaulted and 83 were threatened. 13 legal cases have been filed against journalists and 1 journalist’s house was attacked, 1 journalist was reportedly forced by the Bangladesh Rifles to sign an agreement that he would not publish any news without their prior permission.

Looks like our law enforcing agencies turned into the most organized crime syndicates in our country. Just pick up any local or national news paper at any given day, you will find one instance of information some uniform member had done some thing that is an offense by the law.

The saddest fact is we fear them. We are afraid of them. We tend to keep away from police and other law enforcing agency and this is quite an obvious fact because instead of serving people they demand money for their service, they ask for bribes and they some time forcefully take away all your possessions.

The reputation of our law enforcement agency specially Police and RAB is not good, in stead of upholding the law they utilize every opportunity the get to break this decorum and spread panic among the ordinary people.

Even if they claims, those people who were killed in the so called crossfire, encounter, exchange of shooting, are wanted criminals, but being the member of a law enforcing agency doest not give them the authority to kill people without trial.

I doubt if we count the number of killings by the uniformed law enforcing agencies and also count the number of killings by the un-uniformed criminal, it might happen that killings of the uniformed personnel would outnumber the killings by the un-uniformed criminals.

Behavior of law enforcing agency when their law abiding cover wear offs, Odhikar conducted two fact-finding missions regarding the killings of Ward Commissioner Dulal of Charfashaion Upazila (20 February 2007) and Farid (21 March 2007) of Tazumuddin upazilla of Bhola, under custody of local naval force. The copies of the reports were submitted to the Chief of Naval Staff for information, enquiry and necessary action. Odhikar’s Acting Director ASM Nasiruddin Elan was taken to the Naval Headquarter on 3 May 2007 where a Naval Intelligence Officer with his 3 other associates intimidated and harassed him for preparing those reports and threatened to kill him.

Odhikar’s Kushtia based Human Rights Defender Hasan Ali who carried out a number of
fact-finding missions on extra judicial killings was taken into Kushtia Sadar Police Station on December 4, 2007, where he faced severe physical assault from police.

They are becoming the gang member of uniformed criminals and they don’t have any accountability to public. Their loyalty is only to the people in power. The existing police ordinance does not mandate the police to function as a professional and service oriented organization. There is no existing outline objectives and performance standards and there is no independent mechanism to monitor and inspect police performance. As a non-government agency some human right agency does this job limitedly but their were suggestion by the experts to make Police more humane and more people oriented, but the saddest fact is the long awaited new Police Act may not see the light of the day during the incumbency of the present caretaker government.

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Rasel Pervez, prominent blogger in Bangla blog sphere who is famous for his political analysis. Mr, Rasel Pervez completed his MS on Physics from the US and awaiting PHD.